American Book Review

american book review journal

Subject Area and Category

  • Literature and Literary Theory
  • Cultural Studies

School of Arts and Sciences, University of Houston-Victoria

Publication type

Information.

[email protected]

american book review journal

The set of journals have been ranked according to their SJR and divided into four equal groups, four quartiles. Q1 (green) comprises the quarter of the journals with the highest values, Q2 (yellow) the second highest values, Q3 (orange) the third highest values and Q4 (red) the lowest values.

CategoryYearQuartile
Cultural Studies2014Q3
Cultural Studies2015Q3
Cultural Studies2016Q4
Cultural Studies2017Q4
Cultural Studies2018Q4
Cultural Studies2019Q4
Cultural Studies2020Q3
Cultural Studies2021Q4
Cultural Studies2022Q4
Cultural Studies2023Q4
Literature and Literary Theory2014Q2
Literature and Literary Theory2015Q3
Literature and Literary Theory2016Q3
Literature and Literary Theory2017Q3
Literature and Literary Theory2018Q3
Literature and Literary Theory2019Q4
Literature and Literary Theory2020Q3
Literature and Literary Theory2021Q4
Literature and Literary Theory2022Q4
Literature and Literary Theory2023Q4

The SJR is a size-independent prestige indicator that ranks journals by their 'average prestige per article'. It is based on the idea that 'all citations are not created equal'. SJR is a measure of scientific influence of journals that accounts for both the number of citations received by a journal and the importance or prestige of the journals where such citations come from It measures the scientific influence of the average article in a journal, it expresses how central to the global scientific discussion an average article of the journal is.

YearSJR
20140.104
20150.102
20160.101
20170.101
20180.101
20190.100
20200.106
20210.101
20220.101
20230.100

Evolution of the number of published documents. All types of documents are considered, including citable and non citable documents.

YearDocuments
2012157
2013140
2014154
2015143
2016150
2017135
201863
20192
202016
202136
202275
202350

This indicator counts the number of citations received by documents from a journal and divides them by the total number of documents published in that journal. The chart shows the evolution of the average number of times documents published in a journal in the past two, three and four years have been cited in the current year. The two years line is equivalent to journal impact factor ™ (Thomson Reuters) metric.

Cites per documentYearValue
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20120.000
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20130.000
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20140.017
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20150.016
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20160.005
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20170.017
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20180.015
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20190.008
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20200.023
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20210.060
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20220.017
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20230.008
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20120.000
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20130.000
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20140.017
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20150.016
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20160.005
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20170.018
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20180.021
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20190.009
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20200.035
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20210.025
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20220.019
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20230.000
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20120.000
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20130.000
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20140.017
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20150.020
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20160.007
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20170.024
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20180.018
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20190.000
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20200.015
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20210.000
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20220.019
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20230.000

Evolution of the total number of citations and journal's self-citations received by a journal's published documents during the three previous years. Journal Self-citation is defined as the number of citation from a journal citing article to articles published by the same journal.

CitesYearValue
Self Cites20120
Self Cites20130
Self Cites20140
Self Cites20150
Self Cites20160
Self Cites20170
Self Cites20180
Self Cites20190
Self Cites20200
Self Cites20210
Self Cites20220
Self Cites20230
Total Cites20120
Total Cites20130
Total Cites20145
Total Cites20157
Total Cites20162
Total Cites20178
Total Cites20189
Total Cites20193
Total Cites20207
Total Cites20212
Total Cites20221
Total Cites20230

Evolution of the number of total citation per document and external citation per document (i.e. journal self-citations removed) received by a journal's published documents during the three previous years. External citations are calculated by subtracting the number of self-citations from the total number of citations received by the journal’s documents.

CitesYearValue
External Cites per document20120
External Cites per document20130.000
External Cites per document20140.017
External Cites per document20150.016
External Cites per document20160.005
External Cites per document20170.018
External Cites per document20180.021
External Cites per document20190.009
External Cites per document20200.035
External Cites per document20210.025
External Cites per document20220.019
External Cites per document20230.000
Cites per document20120.000
Cites per document20130.000
Cites per document20140.017
Cites per document20150.016
Cites per document20160.005
Cites per document20170.018
Cites per document20180.021
Cites per document20190.009
Cites per document20200.035
Cites per document20210.025
Cites per document20220.019
Cites per document20230.000

International Collaboration accounts for the articles that have been produced by researchers from several countries. The chart shows the ratio of a journal's documents signed by researchers from more than one country; that is including more than one country address.

YearInternational Collaboration
20120.64
20130.00
20141.30
20150.00
20160.00
20170.00
20180.00
20190.00
20200.00
20212.78
20220.00
20230.00

Not every article in a journal is considered primary research and therefore "citable", this chart shows the ratio of a journal's articles including substantial research (research articles, conference papers and reviews) in three year windows vs. those documents other than research articles, reviews and conference papers.

DocumentsYearValue
Non-citable documents20120
Non-citable documents201328
Non-citable documents201492
Non-citable documents2015116
Non-citable documents2016108
Non-citable documents2017109
Non-citable documents2018112
Non-citable documents2019119
Non-citable documents202056
Non-citable documents202141
Non-citable documents202224
Non-citable documents202328
Citable documents20120
Citable documents2013129
Citable documents2014205
Citable documents2015335
Citable documents2016329
Citable documents2017338
Citable documents2018316
Citable documents2019229
Citable documents2020144
Citable documents202140
Citable documents202230
Citable documents202399

Ratio of a journal's items, grouped in three years windows, that have been cited at least once vs. those not cited during the following year.

DocumentsYearValue
Uncited documents20120
Uncited documents2013157
Uncited documents2014292
Uncited documents2015446
Uncited documents2016435
Uncited documents2017441
Uncited documents2018420
Uncited documents2019345
Uncited documents2020194
Uncited documents202179
Uncited documents202253
Uncited documents2023127
Cited documents20120
Cited documents20130
Cited documents20145
Cited documents20155
Cited documents20162
Cited documents20176
Cited documents20188
Cited documents20193
Cited documents20206
Cited documents20212
Cited documents20221
Cited documents20230

Evolution of the percentage of female authors.

YearFemale Percent
201237.82
201344.12
201435.51
201544.23
201649.33
201744.19
201838.24
20190.00
202050.00
202145.45
202242.31
202315.00

Evolution of the number of documents cited by public policy documents according to Overton database.

DocumentsYearValue
Overton20120
Overton20130
Overton20140
Overton20150
Overton20160
Overton20170
Overton20180
Overton20190
Overton20200
Overton20210
Overton20220
Overton20230

Evoution of the number of documents related to Sustainable Development Goals defined by United Nations. Available from 2018 onwards.

DocumentsYearValue
SDG20180
SDG20190
SDG20200
SDG20211
SDG20221
SDG20230

Scimago Journal & Country Rank

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Book Review: ‘We’re Alone’ by Haitian American writer Edwidge Danticat weaves personal and political

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This cover image released by Graywolf Press shows “We’re Alone” by Edwidge Danticat. (Graywolf Press via AP)

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Haitian American writer Edwidge Danticat explores family, homeland and her literary heroes in “We’re Alone,” a new volume of essays that include personal narratives of her early years as child immigrant in Brooklyn to reportage of recent events like the assassination of a president back in her native county.

In the essay collection, the author of the celebrated memoir “Brother, I’m Dying,” and novels like “Breath, Eyes, Memory” and “Claire of the Sea Light,” moves from her native Port-au-Prince to the New York of her childhood and finally to the adopted hometown of Miami, where she lives as an adult with a family of her own.

In one essay in the slim volume, Danticat contemplates her family, describing the consequences of one uncle being gripped by dementia, his memory erased, his past suddenly vanished.

“An entire segment of our family history, of which he was the sole caretaker, was no longer available to us. Or to himself,” Danticat recalled.

Yet, she wrote, “family is not only made up of your living relatives. It is elders long buried and generations yet unborn, with stories as bridges and potential portals. Family is whoever is left when everyone else is gone.”

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Another essay pays homage to distinguished writers of color she admires, including James Baldwin and Colombian Gabriel García Márquez.

On the plane to Grenada for a tourism conference, Danticat considers the work of Black feminist Audre Lorde, reading the essay Lorde wrote about the island just weeks after the 1983 U.S. invasion of her parents’ homeland.

Danticat fondly remembers the time she spent with friend and mentor American novelist Toni Morrison, including their participation in a conference in Paris.

And she reflects on the earthquakes and hurricanes that have rocked her native Haiti and other Caribbean countries in recent decades, following centuries of colonization.

“‘We are a people,’ is what we have been saying for generations to colonizers, invaders and imperialists hellbent on destroying us. And now, more than ever, Mother Nature, too.”

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american book review journal

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A frican A merican R eview is a scholarly aggregation of insightful essays on African American literature, theatre, film, the visual arts, and culture; interviews; poetry; fiction; and book reviews. Published quarterly, AAR has featured renowned writers and cultural critics including Trudier Harris, Arnold Rampersad, Hortense Spillers, Amiri Baraka, Cyrus Cassells, Rita Dove, Charles Johnson, Cheryl Wall, and Toni Morrison. The official publication of LLC African American of the Modern Language Association, AAR fosters a vigorous conversation among writers and scholars in the arts, humanities, and social sciences.

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A frican A merican R eview is published each Spring, Summer, Fall, and Winter by Johns Hopkins University Press. Individual and institutional subscriptions are available.

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Twilight of American Democracy?

A new book argues that an elite class of influential Americans took control of the ship of state.

The Total State: How Liberal Democracies Become Tyrannies , by Auron MacIntyre (Regnery, 208 pp., $29.99)

It’s been a confusing summer for those who still believe nothing is amiss about the American republic. One moment the sitting president was, according to the near-universal insistence of mainstream media, sharp as a tack —all evidence to the contrary declared disinformation. The next he was suddenly agreed to be non compos mentis , unceremoniously ousted from the ballot for reelection, and replaced through the backroom machinations of unelected insiders. Overnight, the same media then converged aggressively to manufacture a simulacrum of sweeping grassroots enthusiasm for that replacement, the historically unpopular Kamala Harris. To call this a palace coup via the New York Times would not seem to stray too far from observable events.

What, some may wonder, just happened to our supposedly sacred democracy? A growing group of dissident right-wingers has sought to supply an explanation. United around the premise that the governance of the United States doesn’t function as we’re told it does, this group believes that the country has not operated as a constitutional republic for some time; it is only the façade of one, effectively controlled by a cadre of plutocratic elites, party insiders, unelected bureaucrats, and subservient media apparatchiks—in short, an unaccountable oligarchy.

Among the sharpest recent guides to this argument is a slim new book by the columnist and influential young New Right thinker Auron MacIntyre , titled The Total State: How Liberal Democracies Become Tyrannies . MacIntyre provides a dispassionate dissection of how, without any cabal or specific conspiracy, an elite class captured our major public and private institutions, hollowed them out, set them marching in lockstep against the American middle class, and made a mockery of constitutional “checks and balances.” The resulting “total state” now operates in increasingly flagrant contradiction to the broader interests of the American people and democratic government, while “wearing the old regime like a skinsuit.”

Essential to understanding this total state is the concept of managerialism , an idea first pioneered by an older generation of political thinkers, like National Review ’s James Burnham, recovered from relative obscurity and re-employed by this emerging New Right. In this framing, America is today effectively run by a managerial elite, which presides over a broader professional managerial class—think college administrators, corporate HR managers, and nonprofit activists. Fundamentally, the business of such people is not producing or building anything, providing any essential service, or even making critical leadership decisions, but the manipulation and management — that is, surveillance and control—of people, information, money, and ideas. The story of the fall of the American republic, on this view, is the story of the managers’ rise to power everywhere.

In part, the managers’ triumph was the inevitable outcome of technological and economic changes following the Industrial Revolution, which made it necessary to expand the ranks of people schooled in running large, complex organizations. But, as MacIntyre demonstrates, it was also the result of a misguided urge, pioneered by early progressives, to de-risk and “depoliticize” politics by handing over decision-making to technocratic “experts.” The hope was that these individuals could rationally and neutrally administer government and society from the top down, through the same principles and processes of “scientific management” first applied to the assembly line.

That hope proved disastrous.

The first big problem with managers, it turns out, is that they multiply. Managers inside an organization—or a government—have a strong incentive to ensure that the organization keeps growing larger, more complex, and less efficient, because that means more managers must be hired to wrestle with it. Bureaucracy expands to meet the needs of the expanding bureaucracy. And as new managers get hired, the relative institutional power of all managers increases: eventually it is they, not the titular leadership, who effectively control the organization.

The process doesn’t end there. Always and everywhere, managerial power seeks to expand and to centralize without limit. After managerialism conquers one organization or sector, new ground must be found and seized. If no supply of new managerial jobs exists, they can be created through social engineering—the top-down reordering of existing social, moral, and economic structures. Every time something that was once the business of family, church, or local community is “problematized,” “deconstructed,” and turned over to “expert professionals” to be “improved,” a new member of the professional managerial class gets his or her wings—and a taxpayer-funded salary .

Naturally, managers have a material incentive to make alleging the virtues of control and top-down social engineering the locus of their moral and ideological beliefs. Hence the progressive craze for micromanaging behavior and language, the restructuring of social norms, and the redistribution of wealth, power, and positions. On this account, “diversity, equity, and inclusion” programs—indeed, the whole ideology commonly known as “wokeness”—function as a massive jobs program for the expanding managerial class.

A managerial regime is politically and culturally destructive, homogenizing, and totalizing by nature. From its perspective, as MacIntyre observes, any independent institution, community, or association inherently “hinders the uniform application of managerial techniques” from above. Thick bonds of place and community, religious traditions, parental rights, unregulated markets, national borders—all must be dissolved and replaced with bureaucratic mechanisms, until nothing is left between isolated, atomized individuals and the managerial state.

The second big problem with managerial elites is that they end up thinking exactly alike. As we’ve seen, they are united by the same basic incentive—to expand the centrality and status of managers. But they also tend to have the same formational background, passing through the same educational institutions that have become the credentialing mechanism for the managerial class, regardless of profession. There, they are enculturated with the same language, cultural sensibilities, and ideological prejudices as their peers.

Further, the skills and talents required to succeed in any managerial organization are basically identical. Whether one is a McKinsey consultant, a university vice president, or a Defense Department official, the same basic lingo and PowerPoint proficiency will do. These skills are easily transferable, which means, as MacIntyre explains, that “managerial class easily crosses the public/private barrier that has been so effectively constructed in the American psyche.” In fact, he continues, the “ability of managers to move from public government postings to private corporate positions while using the exact same language and skill set is key to the unification of the state and economy” that we now see in managerial America.

Critically, this unification means that competence in a given organization is of less importance to one’s career than an ability to demonstrate loyalty and acceptance within the managerial class. Refuse to hold the correct opinions and your professional future across the managerial world—now global—is permanently tarnished. No one is more hated than a class traitor. In America, MacIntyre writes, “the dream of social mobility through independence was replaced by a social mobility . . . entirely dependent on utility to an interconnected network of mass organization.” If you want to rise to the top in America, then your “cultural fit”—your ideological reliability—is your most important asset.

Together, these factors have produced a vast, self-reinforcing managerial apparatus—a regime—of public institutions, private corporations, and non-governmental organizations that moves together like a flock of birds. On the New Right, it’s dubbed “ the Cathedral ,” in which everyone in power—from Harvard to the press to the White House—sings from the same hymn sheet. But whereas the twentieth century’s totalitarian governments needed a dedicated propaganda ministry and secret police to impose the coordination of society, we’ve managed to achieve a softer version of it through the invisible hand of managerial status-seeking.

Faced with the need to maintain a façade of democratic legitimacy, the managerial regime’s solution has been, naturally, to seek to manage the will of the people. “The ruling class thus became deeply involved in controlling the information the public receives and the narrative that information shapes,” MacIntyre explains. Hence the belief in the need to tell “ noble lie s” to the peasantry; hence the constant media gaslighting ; hence the vast, “whole-of-society” censorship-industrial complex established to manipulate the public’s “ cognitive infrastructure ”—in other words, our perception of reality. What we have now is most easily described as “managed democracy.”

This regime wields powers of control undreamed of by the most absolute of feudal monarchs, but it obscures that power by draping it in empty rituals and diffusing it across faceless bureaucracies and nameless processes. This makes holding it accountable for its actions exceedingly difficult. In the end, President Biden proved little more than a figurehead for real power, pushed aside despite being, on paper, the world’s most powerful individual.

President Donald Trump fared little better when he struggled in vain to get even his own administrative agencies to follow orders on, say, border enforcement or foreign policy. His diplomats and generals, for instance, later admitted to “playing shell games” to keep the titular commander-in-chief from knowing where American troops were deployed and in what numbers. Time and again, the unelected managerial “deep state” steamed ahead as it pleased. Putting an end to this status quo is the essential project of the New Right.

Which brings us to J. D. Vance. Openly familiar and conversant with the ideas and intellectual figures of the New Right, including MacIntyre, Vance represents a potential shift in the overall approach of his party. As Vance has put it , if a would-be political opposition hopes to achieve any real change at all, it must become “something that can genuinely overthrow the modern ruling class” by striving to “seize the institutions” from them. “I think that what Trump should do, if I was giving him one piece of advice,” Vance said in 2021, would be to “Fire every single midlevel bureaucrat, every civil servant in the administrative state, [and] replace them with our people.” Only through such a decisive blow could the unity and control of the managerial state be undermined.

Here, an underappreciated potential divide has become visible between Vance and Trump, and between the New Right and what could be described as the “orthodox MAGA” wing of the party. New Right thinkers like MacIntyre are pessimistic that anything can be accomplished without a focused, disciplined, and sustained assault on the strongholds of the managerial regime—not only the administrative state but also the universities , the philanthropic-NGO-industrial complex , and also woke financial giants like BlackRock. Meantime, the more orthodox MAGA faithful remain optimistic that Trump himself can fix things, ushering in meaningful political change by traditional means and his force of personality. Many on the New Right would call this naïve.

Consider the recent squabbles over Project 2025 . The nearly 1,000-page document, compiled by the Heritage Foundation, offers a blizzard of policy proposals . Describing a number of these ideas as extremist, Democrats, including Harris, have made tying the project to Trump a centerpiece of their campaign messaging. Trump, reportedly affronted by the project’s place in the limelight, has in turn vocally disavowed it—his campaign even declaring that its “demise would be greatly welcomed.”

Its actual demise, should that happen, would represent a significant problem for the Right. Some of Project 2025’s grab bag of wishful policy proposals may be more radical than others, but its specific policy ideas were never the main point; the real purpose of Project 2025 is to solve the problem that, in our managerial system, “personnel is policy,” as they say in Washington. The core of the project has always been a plan for rapid reclassification of tens of thousands of un-fireable, unaccountable, and decidedly un-neutral “civil servants” as political appointees, so that they can be replaced with pre-vetted new hires. In this way, we might at least begin to bring our hostile bureaucratic leviathans to heel.

Without the disciplined implementation of such a plan, nothing is likely to change significantly in Washington, even if Trump returns to the White House. Just as in his first term, managerial institutions would continue to operate in their own self-interest, without accountability and unified in their bureaucratic “resistance” to the elected president.

Trump’s disavowal of Project 2025 thus signals that the New Right’s continued rise within his party, as represented by Vance , is no sure thing. Should Trump prove too hesitant to execute such a deliberately disruptive maneuver, or should he seek to ingratiate himself with managerial elites, rather than replace them—as some of his comments, such as on potentially hiring financial establishment giant Jamie Dimon to his Cabinet, suggest—then the status quo is likely to continue, unchecked.

N. S. Lyons is the author of The Upheaval on Substack.

Photo: Bloomberg Creative / Bloomberg Creative Photos via Getty Images

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  • Volume 37, Number 5, July/August 2016

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Founded in 1977, the American Book Review is a nonprofit, internationally distributed publication that appears four times a year. ABR specializes in reviews of frequently neglected published works of fiction, poetry, and literary and cultural criticism from small, regional, university, ethnic, avant-garde, and women's presses. ABR as a literary journal aims to project the sense of engagement that writers themselves feel about what is being published. It is edited and produced by writers for writers and the general public.

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  • The Corporate Showroom
  • Jeffrey R. Di Leo
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0086

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  • remixthemind
  • Mark Amerika
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0088
  • 99 Preparatory Notes to Experimental Literature
  • Daniel Levin Becker
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0089
  • Experimental Theory
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0090
  • The Literature of Extinction
  • Douglas Glover
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0091
  • Hello Stranger
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0092
  • The Addressed Poem of the Day
  • Jacques Jouet
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0093
  • Carole Maso
  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/abr.2016.0094
  • Experimental Reading
  • Warren Motte
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St. Petersburg Review publishes quality work from established and emerging writers and artists with a special emphasis on translations and fostering an international literary community that, among other things, provides a forum for freedom of artistic expression especially for those writing and/or living in global conflict areas.

The journal was founded in 2007 to honor the spirit of samizdat, the disenfranchised Soviet writers' practice of publication through whatever means, and to celebrate the Russian literary tradition of perseverance. Over the years we have expanded the scope and breadth of our journal to feature work by writers from more than 50 countries. It is through our perseverance in promoting writing from all over the world that we store up the riches of other cultures and keep them safe from perishing, building a humanity that speaks the same language through literature and seeks to right global prejudices. As well as publishing quality international writing, we see our mission as starting a movement of human identity and compassion.

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Journalist Born: Portland, Oregon - 22 October 1887 Died: Moscow - 17 October 1920

John Silas "Jack" Reed, author of Ten Days that Shook the World , the famous first-hand account of the October Revolution, was born to a family of rich industrialists and enjoyed a privileged youth at private school and Harvard University, where he indulged in the full range of social, cultural and sporting entertainments on offer.

After graduation in 1910, he moved to New York and began his career in journalism working as a staffer on American Magazine and rapidly building a career as a promising freelancer. Equally rapid was his conversion to radical politics, and in 1913 he began to work for The Masses , a socialist monthly magazine that was probably the most progressive in the US at the time. He also became an ardent activist, defending the rights of striking workers and earning his first stint in prison in the process. He came to the public attention for his coverage of the Mexican Revolution, for which he spent four months with Pancho Villa's army.

He left for Europe soon after the outbreak of the First World War, but his support for international socialism and his hopes for revolution compromised him as a straight war correspondent. Firmly opposed to American involvement in the war, he soon found himself persona non grata in the press.

In August 1917, Reed and his wife, Louise Bryant, travelled to Russia to report on events in the fledgling republic. Drawn to the Bolsheviks, Reed witnessed the storming of the Winter Palace on 7 November 1917, and soon offered his services to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, translating decrees and news about the actions of the new government into English. He became close to many members of the new government, meeting both Trotsky and Lenin. He spoke at the Third Congress of Soviets, and was even proposed by Trotsky as Soviet Consul in New York. The suggestion was quashed by Lenin.

Nonetheless, when Reed returned to New York in April 1918, he was a passionate advocate for the new Bolshevik state, preaching against Allied Intervention, and seemingly hoping that revolutionary fervour would soon spread to the US. He was also in considerable trouble with the law. Thanks to his anti-war articles, The Masses had been indicted for sedition, and Reed was also repeatedly arrested for his activism. All his papers had been seized on his arrival in New York, so it was not until November 1918 that he was able to write and publish Ten Days that Shook the World . Despite the damage to his public reputation, the book was widely praised by critics and sold well.

Embroiled in court cases and political in-fighting on the American left, Reed returned to the Soviet Union in October 1919. During the winter, he traveled extensively through the Russian countryside, examining and noting the consequences of the Revolution. He then attended the second Comintern Congress, where he found himself increasingly disillusioned with the authoritarian attitude of the Soviet authorities. By this time he had little hope of returning to the US, and he was ordered by Grigory Zinoviev to travel to Baku for the Congress of the Peoples of the East.

Now little more than a pawn in the Bolshevik machinery, he returned to Moscow to meet Bryant in September 1920, determined to return home. While in the south, however, he had contracted typhus and, with no medicine available due to the Allied blockade of the Soviet Union, he died on 17 October. He is the only foreigner to be buried in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis.

Works: Ten Days that Shook the World (1919), Red Russia: The Triumph of the Bolsheviki (1919), The Structure of the Soviet State (1919), Daughter of the Revolution and Other Stories (1927), John Reed and the Russian Revolution: Uncollected Articles, Letters and Speeches on Russia, (1992), Shaking the World: John Reed's Revolutionary Journalism (1998)

Connected with: Louise Bryant

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Newspaper St. Petersburg Times (St. Petersburg, Fla.) 1921-2011 Saint Petersburg times / Tampa ed. issued from <1995-1997> as: Times

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About this Newspaper

  • St. Petersburg Times (St. Petersburg, Fla.) 1921-2011

Other Title

  • Saint Petersburg times
  • Tampa ed. issued from as: Times

Dates of Publication

Created / published.

  • St. Petersburg, Fla. : Times Pub. Co., 1921-
  • -  Saint Petersburg (Fla.)--Newspapers
  • -  Pinellas County (Fla.)--Newspapers
  • -  Florida--Pinellas County.-- https://id.oclc.org/worldcat/entity/E39PBJmDpBBdCYRhc9FfxtGJXd External
  • -  Florida--Saint Petersburg.-- https://id.oclc.org/worldcat/entity/E39QbtfRFhjf6WBhGJ4DqM99KM External
  • -  United States--Florida--Pinellas--Saint Petersburg
  • -  Daily,
  • -  Vol. 39, no. 1 (Jan. 4, 1921)-
  • -  Ceased in 2011.
  • -  "Independent."
  • -  "Florida's best newspaper."
  • -  Also issued on microfilm from Bell & Howell, Micro Photo Division.
  • -  Also available from NewsBank, Inc. as a CD-ROM with title: NewsBank CD news presents the St. Petersburg times.
  • -  Latest issue consulted: Vol. 113, no. 240 (Mar. 21, 1997).
  • -  ACQN: aq 94008990
  • -  Daily
  • -  Title update FRO (spelling) Faxon title no. 006657
  • -  Tampa Bay times 2327-9052 (DLC) 2013218696 (OCoLC)835556214
  • v. : ill. (some col.) ; 70 cm.

Call Number/Physical Location

Library of congress control number, oclc number, preceding titles.

  • St. Petersburg Daily Times (St. Petersburg, Fla.) 1912 to 1921
  • The Evening Independent (St. Petersburg, Fla.) 1907 to 1986

Succeeding Titles

  • Tampa Bay Times (St. Petersburg, Fl) 2012-Current

LCCN Permalink

  • https://lccn.loc.gov/sn82015883

Additional Metadata Formats

  • MARCXML Record
  • MODS Record
  • Dublin Core Record

Availability

The Library of Congress may not have copies of this newspaper title, however it may be held by other libraries around the country. Check the "Libraries That Have It” tab for details, or, if present, select the LCCN Permalink below for more LC holdings.

  • Directory of U.S. Newspapers in American Libraries (7,643)
  • Library of Congress Online Catalog (1,581,659)
  • Serial and Government Publications Division (3,019,755)
  • 1921 to 2011
  • United States

State/Province (Geographic Coverage)

  • Saint Petersburg
  • https://id.oclc.org/worldcat/entity/e39pbjmdpbbdcyrhc9ffxtgjxd
  • https://id.oclc.org/worldcat/entity/e39qbtfrfhjf6wbhgj4dqm99km
  • Pinellas County
  • Pinellas County (Fla.)
  • Saint Petersburg (Fla.)

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For guidance about compiling full citations consult Citing Primary Sources .

Cite This Item

Citations are generated automatically from bibliographic data as a convenience, and may not be complete or accurate.

Chicago citation style:

St. Petersburg Times St. Petersburg, Fla. -2011 .

APA citation style:

Mla citation style:.

american book review journal

Focus: Rejections — Summer 2023

Focus: rejections.

Volume 44, Number 2 Summer 2023

Excerpts available through Project Muse ; full articles available to Project Muse subscribers.

From the Editor

The Infrastructure of Death by Jeffrey R. Di Leo

Introduction by Steven G. Kellman

The Morning Line: A Writer’s Odds by Jay Neugeboren

Rejectors by Jim Sanderson

“It Takes Only One” by Carl Rollyson

Efforts at Speech by Lee Robinson

“My Plate Is Full”: Rejection, a Memoir by Steve Tomasula

A Literate Journey by John Tytell

My Soul, the Mule by Brad Adams

Interventions

Frederick Luis Aldama interviews Matt Madden

Lost and Found

On Lucille Clifton’s Children’s Books by Anthony Madrid

Jane Rosenberg LaForge reviews Estranged by Charles Lamar Phillips

Greg Sanders reviews The Economist by Christopher Grimes

Jane Rosenberg LaForge reviews Ire Land (a Faery Tale) by Elisabeth Sheffield

Amy Penne reviews The Term Between by Brady Harrison

Eugene H. Hayworth reviews Duende by Alex Poppe

Ilka Scobie reviews The Lost Language of Crazy by Pamela Laskin

Matthew Petti reviews History of Theatre or The Glass of Fashion by M. G. Stephens

Richard Squires reviews Save the Village by Michele Herman

In Search of Synergy by E. Ethelbert Miller

Cartographies

Mapping Culture by Robert T. Tally Jr.

Translation

The Voyages of Translation by Brian O’Keeffe

Norman Fischer reviews Atlantis, an Autoanthropology by Nathaniel Tarn

Bonnie Walker reviews Within the Inscribed: Selected Prose & Conversations by Michael Heller

Cultural Studies

Chris Rutledge reviews The Pornography Wars: The Past, Present, and Future of America’s Obscene Obsession by Kelsy Burke

T. C. Marshall reviews 2021: January–June by Morgan Miller III and James Call

Daniel T. O’Hara reviews Capricorn, Venus Descendant: Poems of Pandemos, Karkinos, & Eros and Light in Its Common Place by Michael Joyce

Fred Muratori reviews Gun/Shy by Jim Daniels

Jan Garden Castro reviews Duende: Poems, 1966–Now by Quincy Troupe

Jerry Harp reviews A Complex Sentence by Marjorie Welish

Joel Bettridge reviews Thirty-Six/Two Lives: A Poetic Dialogue by Norman Finkelstein and Tirzah Goldenberg

Mixby Dickon reviews The Saints of Capitalism by Benjamin Schmitt

Robert Kramer reviews Reflections in the Time of Trumpius Maximus: A Journal in Poems, AD 2016–2021 by Mark Fishbein and No Mask, No Talk: Corona Poems, 2020–2021 by Eve Packer

Printers and Poets

Carrying on in Cuneiform: Charles Alexander interviews Kyle Schlesinger

From our Own

Paul Allen Miller reviews  Happiness by Jeffrey R. Di Leo

Turtle Point Press: An Interview with Ruth Greenstein

Poetics to Come

World Literature and Closer Reading: A Poetics of Reception?  Daniel T. O’Hara reviews Mann’s Magic Mountain: World Literature and Closer Reading by Karolina Watroba

The Departed

Morris Dickstein: Double Agent by Daniel Rosenberg Nutters

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  19. John Reed, American journalist in St. Petersburg, Russia

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  20. St. Petersburg Times (St. Petersburg, Fla.) 1921-2011

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  23. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Management Series

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